Evaluate the extent to which nationalism, rather than imperial rivalry, caused global conflict in the period circa 1900 to 1945.
Excerpts from historical sources. Cuts are marked with ellipses, and words in brackets were added for clarity.
Document 1
Wilhelm II, German emperor, interview published in the Daily Telegraph, a London newspaper, 1908.
The prevailing sentiment among large sections of the middle and lower classes of my own people is not friendly to England. . . . But, you will say, what of the German navy? Surely, that is a menace to England! . . . My answer is clear. Germany is a young and growing empire. She has a worldwide commerce which is rapidly expanding, and to which the legitimate ambition of patriotic Germans refuses to assign any bounds. Germany must have a powerful fleet to protect that commerce and her manifold interests in even the most distant seas. She expects those interests to go on growing, and she must be able to champion them manfully in any quarter of the globe. Her horizons stretch far away.
Document 2
Visual source
Leonard Raven-Hill, British cartoonist, "The Boiling Point," cartoon published in Punch, a London humor magazine, October 1912.
Leonard Raven-Hill, Punch, 2 October 1912. Wikimedia Commons, public domainDescribe the image
A cartoon captioned "The Boiling Point." A huge cauldron labeled "Balkan Troubles" sits in billowing steam. Five men representing the governments of Europe's great powers crowd together on top of it: four wear military uniforms with peaked caps, a kepi, or a spiked helmet, and one wears a top hat and frock coat. They press down on the lid with their hands, knees, and bodies to keep it from boiling over. Steam escapes from under the lid.
Document 3
Austro-Hungarian government, note delivered to the government of Serbia after the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand, July 1914.
Now the history of the past few years, and particularly the painful events of the 28th of June, have proved the existence of a subversive movement in Serbia, whose object it is to separate certain portions of its territory from the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. . . . the Royal Serbian Government has done nothing to suppress this movement. It has tolerated the criminal activities of the various unions and associations directed against the Monarchy, the unchecked utterances of the press, the glorification of the authors of assassinations, the participation of officers and officials in subversive intrigues; it has tolerated an unhealthy propaganda in its public instruction; and it has tolerated, finally, every manifestation which could betray the people of Serbia into hatred of the Monarchy and contempt for its institutions. . . . these results impose upon the Imperial and Royal Government the obligation to put an end to those intrigues, which constitute a standing menace to the peace of the Monarchy.
Document 4
W. E. B. Du Bois, African American scholar and civil rights leader, "The African Roots of War," essay in the Atlantic Monthly, United States, 1915.
The greater the concentration the more deadly the rivalry. From Fashoda to Agadir, repeatedly the spark has been applied to the European magazine and a general conflagration narrowly averted. We speak of the Balkans as the storm-centre of Europe and the cause of war, but this is mere habit. The Balkans are convenient for occasions, but the ownership of materials and men in the darker world is the real prize that is setting the nations of Europe at each other's throats to-day. The present world war is, then, the result of jealousies engendered by the recent rise of armed national associations of labor and capital whose aim is the exploitation of the wealth of the world mainly outside the European circle of nations.
Document 5
International Congress of Women, gathering of women peace activists from both neutral and warring countries, resolutions adopted at The Hague, the Netherlands, 1915.
Since the mass of the people in each of the countries now at war believe themselves to be fighting, not as aggressors but in self-defence and for their national existence, there can be no irreconcilable differences between them . . . . Since war is commonly brought about not by the mass of the people, who do not desire it, but by groups representing particular interests, this International Congress of Women urges that Foreign Politics shall be subject to Democratic Control . . . . It sees in the private profits accruing from the great armament factories a powerful hindrance to the abolition of war. . . . Inasmuch as the investment by capitalists of one country in the resources of another and the claims arising therefrom are a fertile source of international complications, this International Congress of Women urges the widest possible acceptance of the principle that such investments shall be made at the risk of the investor, without claim to the official protection of his government.
Document 6
Friedrich Hossbach, military adjutant to Adolf Hitler, minutes of a secret meeting at which Hitler addressed Germany's military commanders and foreign minister, Berlin, November 1937.
The aim of German policy is the security and the preservation of the nation, and its propagation. This is, consequently, a problem of space. The German nation is composed of 85 million people, which, because of the number of individuals and the compactness of habitation, form a homogeneous European racial body which cannot be found in any other country. . . . We live in a period of economic empires, in which the tendency to colonize again approaches the condition which originally motivated colonization; in Japan and Italy economic motives are the basis of their will to expand, the economic need will also drive Germany to it. . . . The history of all times—Roman Empire, British Empire—has proved that every space expansion can only be effected by breaking resistance and taking risks. . . . The question for Germany is where the greatest possible conquest could be made at lowest cost.
Document 7
Government of Japan under Prime Minister Konoe Fumimaro, public statement released by the Foreign Office, Tokyo, November 1938.
By the august virtue of His Majesty, our naval and military forces have captured Canton and the three cities of Wuhan; and all the vital areas of China have thus fallen into our hands. . . . What Japan seeks is the establishment of a new order which will insure the permanent stability of East Asia. . . . This new order has for its foundation a tripartite relationship of mutual aid and co-ordination between Japan, Manchoukuo and China in political, economic, cultural and other fields. . . . Japan is confident that other Powers will on their part correctly appreciate her aims and policy and adapt their attitude to the new conditions prevailing in East Asia. . . . The establishment of a new order in East Asia is in complete conformity with the very spirit in which the Empire was founded; to achieve such a task is the exalted responsibility with which our present generation is entrusted.
How it's scored
1 ptThesis or claim. A historically defensible thesis that establishes a line of reasoning, in one or more consecutive sentences in the intro or conclusion.
1 ptContextualization. Describe a broader historical context relevant to the prompt: events, developments, or processes before, during, or after the prompt's time frame.
2 ptsEvidence from the documents. One point for accurately describing the content of three documents. Two points for using the content of at least four documents to support the argument.
1 ptEvidence beyond the documents. Use one specific, relevant piece of historical evidence that appears in none of the documents, and explain how it supports the argument.
1 ptAnalysis and reasoning: sourcing. For at least two documents, explain how or why the point of view, purpose, historical situation, or intended audience is relevant to the argument.
1 ptAnalysis and reasoning: complexity. Demonstrate a complex understanding: explain nuance, consider multiple variables, analyze both similarity and difference, or qualify the argument with evidence that cuts against it.
